The bane of Italy
祸起意大利（陈继龙 编译）
Jun 29th 2006
From The Economist print edition
ALEXANDER STILLE'S new book on Silvio Berlusconi, theflamboyant[1]former Italian prime minister, is neither ab________①nor a work of investigative journalism. Its realvalueis that it represents the first attempt, in English at least, to recount in a readable fashion the story, not of Mr Berlusconi himself, but of Berlusconi-ism. （1）That gives it a wide appeal, for, as its author argues persuasively, Berlusconi-ism is the extrapolation[2]to grotesque[3]extremes of a phenomenon that has gradually, and all too imperceptibly, become widespread.
亚历山大•斯蒂莱的新作写的是个性张扬的意大利前任总理西尔维奥•贝鲁斯科尼，但它并非是一本传记，也不是新闻调查作品。其真正的价值在于，它首次尝试以一种可读性较强的风格，记述了“贝鲁斯科尼主义”而不是贝鲁斯科尼的生平。这也是本书独具魅力之所在，因为诚如作者很有说服力地论证的那样，“贝鲁斯科尼主义”是对某种现象怪诞至极时的推论，这种现象日趋普遍而所有人却都浑然不觉。
Mr Stille is at his best when he describes how a man with a corporation with billions of dollars ofd_______②succeeded in less than eight months, between 1993 and 1994, in turning himself into his country's leader. （2）Along the way, he identifies various keys to Mr Berlusconi's success.
斯蒂莱先生最出彩的描写是，一个拥有一家债台高筑的公司的人，如何在1993年至1994年间的短短8个月内，成功地使自己成为国家领导人。他在书中一一揭示了贝鲁斯科尼的成功要诀。
One was theu________③application of modern business methods to Italian politics. Mr Berlusconi's campaign organisers set uppay-as-you-go[4]phone numbers so voters paid to listen to Mr Berlusconi and the stars of his television empire. Party candidates were required to spend the equivalent of $800 on a kit, similar to a salesman's kit, with a manual on how to communicate with voters. Advice included:“___________________________”（要是你上公共厕所，但厕所很脏，那就弄干净它，否则随后进来的人会以为是你弄脏的。）
其一，史无前例地将现代商业手段运用于意大利政治。贝鲁斯科尼的竞选策划人开通了付费电话，选民可以付费打电话给贝鲁斯科尼及其所属电视集团的明星们。党内各候选人必须花800美元购置一个工具包（类似于销售员的工具包），包里面揣一本选民沟通指南。其中指导建议包括：“要是你上公共厕所，但厕所很脏，那就弄干净它，否则随后进来的人会以为是你弄脏的。”
（3）Then there was Mr Berlusconi's own exploitation of “anti-politics”, his depiction of himself as an outsider—a technique that allowed him to tap into a rich vein[5]of support among mainly poor, rural and poorly educated voters who distrusted the institutions.Finally, of course, there was television. Mr Stille produces evidence to demonstrate its influence: “A study of female former Christian Democrat voters showed that an astonishing 75% of those who watched four or more hours of TV a day cast theirb_______④for Berlusconi, while only 40% of those who watched two hours or less did so.”
其次，贝鲁斯科尼独创了“反政治学”，亦即把自己说成是“一个局外人”——这一伎俩使他赢得了贫困、乡村以及没怎么受过教育的选民的支持，这些人往往都不信任政府机构。最后，当然还有电视。斯蒂莱先生充分举证了贝鲁斯科尼的影响力：“对前基督教民主党女性选民的调查显示，每天收看4小时以上电视节目的女选民中，竟有75％的人投票给贝鲁斯科尼，而收看2小时以下的只有40％。”
He acknowledges that his subject's rise to power (and, to an even GREater extent, his return to power in 2001 after six years in opposition) was fostered by some of the specific characteristics of Italian society. Italians were, and are, largely unconcerned by Mr Berlusconi's conflicts of interest. Indeed, a survey during the 2001 election found that almost a quarter of voters thought that Mr Berlusconi's personal interests meant he would “govern the country better”. （4）Nor are Italians overly concerned by the sort of illegality of which their former leader has been repeatedly accused by the judiciary.Above all, though, Mr Stille argues, Italy is a “weak democracy with few institutional checks and balances.”
贝鲁斯科尼承认，他之所以能掌权（并且从更大程度上说他能在下野6年后于2001年再次掌权），完全拜某些意大利社会特色所赐。过去和现在的意大利人大都对贝鲁斯科尼的利益纷争无动于衷，事实上2001年选举期间开展的一项调查也发现，几乎1/4的选民认为贝鲁斯科尼的个人利益就是指他会“把国家管好”。意大利人对司法部一再指控他们的前任领导人所谓的违法行为也漠不关心。不过，斯蒂莱先生认为，主要还是因为意大利是一个“机构上几乎缺乏相互制衡的脆弱的民主国度”。
Mr Stille's book is ill-timed: Mr Berlusconi has just been voted out of office and, at 69, his chances of returning ares_______⑤.But the Berlusconi formula, which Mr Stille sums up as “money + media + celebrity = political power”, is by no means applicable only to Italy. Some or all of the same basic elements are there in other politicians, particularly in America: in Arnold Schwarzenegger, Michael Bloomberg and Jesse Ventura, a former professional wrestler who became governor of Minnesota. （5）“Silvio Berlusconi”, writes Mr Stille, “may appear at times a caricature, but in fact he is a reflection of ourselves in a fun-house mirror, our features distorted and exaggerated but distinctly recognisable.”
斯蒂莱先生的这本著作没赶上好时候——贝鲁斯科尼刚刚落选离任，69岁的他要想东山再起机会渺茫。不过，斯蒂莱先生归纳的“贝鲁斯科尼公式”，即“金钱＋媒体＋名流＝政权”，绝不仅仅适用于意大利。其中一些或者所有的基本组成要素同样存在于其他政客，尤其是在美国——阿诺•施瓦辛格、迈克尔•彭博以及耶西•文图拉（前职业拳手，后成为明尼苏达州州长）。斯蒂莱先生写道：“西尔维奥•贝鲁斯科尼可能时常成为人们讽刺的对象，但实际上他好比一面哈哈镜，从他身上，我们看到了我们自己，看到我们扭曲、夸张而又清晰可辨的一面。”
[QUIZ]
1. 根据首字母以及括号内的词性提示和英文释义填入单词（注意复数、时态形式变化等）：
①b________（n.a book that tells what has happened in someone's life, written by someone else）
②d________（n.a sum of money that a person or organization owes）
③u________（adj.never having happened before, or never having happened so much）
④b________（n.a piece of paper on which you make a secret vote）
⑤s________ （adj.very small in amount or number [= slender]）
2. 英译汉（将划线部分英文翻译成中文）：
3．汉译英（根据译文提示和上下文，在空白处填入相应英文）：
[NOTES](LONGMAN)
1. flamboyant adj.behaving in a confident or exciting way that makes people notice you自命不凡的；神气活现的；浮华的；耀眼的；引人注目的
2. extrapolation n.推论，推知；外推
3. grotesque adj.非常讨厌的；无礼的；怪诞的，奇异的
4. pay-as-you-go adj.付费的（电话或网络服务）
5. a (rich) vein of（很）有几分
[KEY TO QUIZ]
①biography 传记
②debt 债
〔附注〕
（1）表示“某人欠的钱”：debt债 • overdraft透支 • liabilities 债务• borrowings借款 • IOU（I owe you）借据
（2）表示“欠许多钱”：be deep/heavily in debt 债台高筑• be up to your neck/ears in debt欠一屁股债
（3）表示“欠某人债”：owe 欠钱• be in debt负债 • be overdrawn透支 • be in the red 负债，亏损• be in arrears欠账 • be behind with拖欠
（4）表示“开始欠债”：get into debt负债 • run up a debt • default拖欠
③unprecedented 史无前例的，空前的（be unheard of）
④ballot 选票
〔附注〕“选举”有关的：election 选举• electoral 选举的• referendum 公投• ballot 选票；投票• polls投票站 • polling投票表决（选举） • show of hands举手表决
⑤slim 微小的；渺茫的（机会、可能）
2.（见译文，仅供参考，欢迎指正）
3．If you use a public toilet and it's dirty, clean it, otherwise those who come after you will think you dirtied it.（注：答案肯定不是唯一，但至少你可以学习作者的写法）
